Last week’s political violence was by far the worst since I first visited and fell in love with this country fifteen years ago. Some media outlets report 150 lives lost, others 170. Among those who lost their lives are children and young adults, noninvolved bystanders, and security personnel. Once the dust settles and a careful tabulation is done, the actual number of deaths could well be multiples of the numbers circulating at the moment. In addition, thousands were injured, many of whom have a long road of recovery ahead, and some of whom will never fully recover.
What we saw was nothing short of disturbing and, tragically, seems to have been largely avoidable. The protesters’ initial demand for a reform of the quota system, whether or not you agree with it, was surely not unreasonable, and should have been addressed through political dialogue. Instead, armed Chhatra League members entered the University of Dhaka on July 15, unrestrained by the ruling party, and attempted to quell the protests by assaulting protesters. The situation escalated from there.
Now, as Bangladesh slowly edges towards a semblance of normalcy, all eyes are on the government: Will it choose accountability, or more of the cronyism and selective application of the law that got Bangladesh into this trouble in the first place? As I am writing, I am looking at a bunch of national dailies and I see reports of more than a thousand arrests and many more cases filed in connection with the recent violence. BNP and Jamaat are mentioned over and over again, and the Prime Minster herself said that this time she “will not spare them.” Insofar as those arrested have in fact been engaged in violence and the destruction of public infrastructure and private property, it is right and expected that they will be prosecuted to the full extent of the law.
However, it is in vain that I am searching for any reports of legal or disciplinary proceedings of any kind against the Chhatra League, ruling party and government officials, and law enforcers. True accountability requires the equitable prosecution of everyone who broke the law, regardless of political or professional affiliation, as well as a transparent and independent inquiry into the government’s response to the protests.
Hard questions, such as the following, must be addressed promptly, honestly, and transparently. The extent to which that will happen will show how sincere the government is in its commitment to democracy and the rule of law.
The Chhatra League being the youth organization of the ruling party, why did party leaders not call them off on July 15 to prevent the escalation of violence? Will there be a credible investigation of that failure, and will those who are found to be responsible be held politically accountable? Have security forces been analyzing video footage to identify Chhatra League members who committed violence, and, if so, have criminal proceedings been initiated against any of those identified?
On July 16, the Chhatra League and anti-quota protesters gathered across Dhaka and the country, carrying metal rods, sticks, stones, other weapons, and helmets. They were obviously prepared for violence. Yet, in many places, including in front of Dhaka College, police made no effort to prevent clashes. What was the rationale for letting violence unfold unopposed by law enforcement?
A day later, videos of a police officer shooting unarmed protester Abu Sayed point blank were widely shared on social media. He later died in a hospital. Has a formal investigation been launched, and has the officer involved in the shooting been suspended pending its outcome?
Are those responsible for the deaths of Dhaka Residential Model College student Farhan Faiyaz and countless other protesters across Bangladesh being held accountable? Has an independent commission to investigate these deaths, as called for by the Supreme Court, been formed? Who authorized the use of lethal force against protesters? What structural steps are security forces taking to prevent the use of excessive force in future?
What was the process and legal basis for the government’s decision to shut off mobile data as well was broadband internet on July 18? Was civil society given the opportunity to request a judicial review of that decision? If so, what is the status of these legal proceedings?
Considering the devastating impact of the decision to impose a curfew and shut off the internet on tens of millions of people in Bangladesh, in terms of education, commerce, health care, and personal relationships, was that decision proportionate to the compelling government purpose it meant to achieve? Was there no less disruptive means available to the government to achieve the same purpose?
With no opposition worth the name in parliament, who will do the necessary political work of reviewing the manner in which the total internet blackout unfolded and was justified by the government? Who will ask the government the questions that need to be answered to determine if the government has overstepped its authority? The people of Bangladesh deserve timely answers to these and the many other questions they are certain to have, and the government will be measured by the quality of the answers it provides. It has an opportunity to stake out a positive path forward. If that opportunity is missed, last week’s scenes are destined to repeat themselves in the future. Nobody can want that.
A version of this article was published under the following title:
- “Can we expect some accountability from the government?”, The Daily Star (Bangladesh, 27 July 2024)
Rainer Ebert 